R. Bruce Anderson
“We do not live in a democracy,” the cautioning cry rings out, “we live in a republic,” to which the speaker usually refers to the form of representative government generally popular across most modern democratic systems, distinguishing it from some form of “pure democracy.”
By “pure democracy” they typically refer to ancient Athenian-style assemblies of all the people of the city to decide major issues by hand vote, applause, or, as in the Athenian case, by a potshard marked with a “yes” or “no” or, in some cases, a candidate’s name.
The problem with the Athenian notion is that we no longer live in city states – there are a lot of us, and our society is very complex, in ways that the ancient Athenians would not have easily understood.
So, the invention of the republican form: a representative order in which all those individuals who used to crowd the benches on the Pnyx to argue about building a new sewer can now sit at home on the couch watching Netflix while their elected representatives represent them and do all the work. And, of course, to make all of the decisions.
What to know:Abortion rights, recreational marijuana are on Florida’s 2024 ballot amendments
The enduring problem is, just how representative is this crowd, once elected?
There are lots of things that stand in the way of seamless representation, of course: voting types and forms, gerrymandering, outside money (and inside money), demagoguery (the Athenians would recognize this one – they invented the term), and all the other myriad shenanigans surrounding elections.
The connection between the elected and the voters is often skewed by one thing or another, but if the representatives are out of step, and pass massively unpopular laws or refuse to act on a law that a majority actually want, this disconnection can go critical in a hurry.
Enter the “citizen initiative.”
Citizen initiatives are odd fractures in the body politic. They reflect something awry at the heart of the policy process and are a failsafe for government error. In Florida, there will be two such initiatives on the ballot next election. One of these is an amendment to legalize recreational marijuana; the second, to preserve abortion rights within the 24 week “viability” genre familiar to the historical Roe v. Wade ruling (other restrictions — like notification for minors — still apply).
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To pass either, the initiatives must poll at least 60% of the vote. The political status quo did all they could do to derail these items, to no avail. Both amendments were approved to go onto the November ballot by the Florida Supreme Court.
I’m a little baffled by official Republican apprehension. Neither of these initiatives is necessarily “partisan.” In some states, there has been a boost in Democratic turnout as a result of similar measures — but the effort to turn out voters has been bipartisan.
Ohio and Kansas, which turned back abortion restrictions, remain pretty red. Montana and Arizona both legalized recreational marijuana use without going “blue.” Citizen initiatives are for all citizens; people may disagree with the current government without abandoning their partisan identities.
Until last week, Florida had been written off as a well of boredom for the 2024 election — it hardly seemed worth watching. That, anyway, has changed.
Since the Dobbs ruling that overturned Roe v. Wade, public opinion has swerved sharply away from clarity among Republican voters — and many Republicans seem as poised to approve legal recreational marijuana as Democrats.
Correctives — even sharp ones — given to the legislature by the citizens on a couple of issues does not necessarily mean dissatisfaction with everything else. Adjustment can come from either side — or both. Democrats, who believe they own these issues, are celebrating, and the vote on these measures leans toward approval.
But a massive Democratic resurgence? I’d not hold my breath.
In the final analysis, good policy is neither “red” nor “blue” – and the very fact that many Republicans are likely to vote “yes” on these amendments means a willingness to change course, not party.